Disc Dem

Disc Dem

Saturday, 20 May 2017

Time for Work

In my last post I promised to share some ideas on how the plight of the unemployed might be addressed, emphasising that education and skills training can play a vital role in easing this rapidly escalating problem.  The urgency of our need to find solutions cannot be overstated, particularly in light of the recent explosion in violence against women. Read any report on the issue of gender based violence perpetrated by men and you will find low self-esteem, caused by lack of education or low income, features among the primary causes. There are, of course, other social factors that contribute to our particular problem, but addressing the self-esteem issue by offering higher earnings potential through improved access to education will be a big step forward.

So where has it all gone wrong? After an initial obvious conclusion that the ANC have allowed SADTU to systematically reduce South African basic education to farcical levels of incompetence and ineptitude, it would seem there are other insurmountable obstacles awaiting those who manage to overcome this educational deficiency. Why, after making it this far, do so many students not take advantage of more advanced educational opportunities? There are Universities, Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) Colleges, and also industry-based opportunities facilitated by Sector Education and Training Authorities (SETA’s), yet the numbers of unqualified and unemployable people keeps growing. It appears that all the fancy names in the world cannot overcome the fundamental handbrake to progress - money, or rather the apparent lack of it.

You are all well-enough acquainted with the financial issues facing university students emanating from 2016 #FeesMustFall movement, but are you as acutely aware of the costs students have to bear to attend TVET Colleges? While less than university fees, costs for TVET courses are still high enough to exclude many otherwise deserving students. This keeps us on track to substantiate the next “obvious” conclusion: that a lack of sufficient funding is the main exclusionary factor for many people who simply cannot afford to further their academic education or practical skills training.

SETA’s, though, function quite differently and are the exception that proves the rule - but perhaps not in a way you might think. Operationally, the South African Revenue Service (SARS) conveniently collects a 1% Skills Development Levy (SDL) from employers based on the total amount paid in salaries to employees (including overtime payments, leave pay, bonuses, commissions and lump sum payments). These levies are then distributed to the various Sector Authorities, who are tasked with allocating education and training grants to qualifying businesses within their predefined business sectors. There are 21 such Authorities, starting with the Agricultural SETA, and ending with the Wholesale & Retail SETA.  Of these, 2 (Culture/Arts/Tourism/Hospitality & Sports, and scarily, Safety & Security) were so dysfunctional they were under administration for the 2015/16 financial year. Of the remaining 19, 3 received qualified audit opinions, and a further 11 had material misstatements in their performance reports. Excluding the 2 under administration, the other 19 each had its own Board of Directors, with its own Executive Management team, and a variety of other operational duplications costing over R1.63 billion.

Apart from lifting the lid on a ridiculous structure that requires over 300 Board Members, multiple CEO’s, CFO’s and COO’s to provide what should be a nationally integrated education and training solution, the really interesting outcome of my basic research is bottom-line SETA economics.

If the amount of R14.1 billion doesn’t immediately grab your attention, then let me throw in another R13.85 billion. The first amount of R14.1 billion is the combined annual revenue of 21 SETA’s for the 2015/16 financial year.  The second amount of R13.85 billion represents their combined reserves – in other words, money they have accumulated but not spent. Their only mission-critical task is to promote and nurture education and skills development, so why have they failed to spend all of the money allocated to them? The short answer is that a combination of over-regulation of labour markets, coupled with a distressed economy, has served to deter corporate investment in employee recruitment and training. As a result, ever diminishing numbers of grant applications were received from businesses where the costs associated with employee recruitment and training exceeded the value of the applicable grant.  Whatever the reasons, the facts remain that these Sector Education and Training Authorities are not fulfilling their mandate, have outlived their useful lives, and are sitting on a substantial amount of money lying unused in their investment accounts.

Keeping the Skills Development Levy in place while disbanding SETA’s in order to create a National Education and Training Authority is a much NETA solution (sorry about that, just couldn’t resist the pun). It then becomes a question of how to allocate the revenues generated, and how best to employ the capital sum accruing from liquidated reserves. This will require some serious critical and creative thinking.

As we cannot simply ignore the existing pool of unemployed people, perhaps some of the money can be used to establish “mature student” facilities within each municipality, where 25-40 year olds can be taught some skills that will provide them with self-employment opportunities. I am fairly certain there is a pool of retired people, or people who just want to give something back to the community, who will be prepared to volunteer their skills as trainers, so the cost of staffing these facilities will be minimal. The only issue this raises is that a level of deregulation will be required.

Why not also set aside an amount from the R13.85bn reserves for the purpose of making “Impact Investments” - low or no interest repayable loans of typically no more than say R1,000 to kick-start micro-businesses.

The balance of reserves could be used to improve the existing TVET network of colleges, with revenues perhaps being used to provide additional relief to university undergraduates, taking the form of loans that are automatically converted to grants on passing each year’s curriculum. Failure requires repayment of the loan.

Will these ideas work? Are they creative? I am sure there are many people out there with lots of creative ideas on how we might alleviate the unemployment tragedy, so let’s start putting them on the table. Your start point is R13.85bn capital, and R14.1bn in annual revenues. An absolute certainty is that we have to stop spinning on the hamster-wheel of political inactivity and rhetoric, and jump onto the roller coaster ride of rapid job creation, so let’s get working on it.

Saturday, 13 May 2017

Please talk to me not @ me

Our current crop of politicians have yet to show even the smallest glimmer of the vision needed to take our country forward: EFF leadership can’t think beyond State ownership of everything, a socialist experiment that has failed spectacularly everywhere it has been tried. Their fallback position of promoting racial division indicates they also believe their Marxist/Leninist/Fanonian dogma is not receiving sufficient support from “the masses”, so it is unsurprising they have resorted to this more blatant populist platform. Dali Mpophu’s claim that their refusal to recognise Jacob Zuma is “visionary” also tells us a lot about the EFF’s capacity for original thinking. 

The somewhat schizophrenic DA still has to show they can envision solutions that don’t require them to run to court every time they hit a political challenge, and the divisions within their party that also appear to run along racial lines, are again indicative of a lack of visionary leadership. How can we believe they can heal the country when they can’t seem to manage this critical issue within the ranks of their own party?

The clearest signal that South Africa is devoid of visionary leadership came when Thabo Mbeki and FW de Klerk felt confident enough to re-emerge from relative obscurity to authoritatively tell us what is wrong with the country. Two former Presidents of the Republic taking the leadership vacuum as an opportunity to whitewash their own contributions to the Constitutional mess we find ourselves in today. 

While FW fully deserves the plaudits he earned for his display of courage in confronting right wing opposition to a democratic dispensation for South Africa, he spoiled it somewhat by leaving behind a legislatively defective Constitution that provided Jacob Zuma with all the loopholes he needed to capture the State. As for Thabo Mbeki, his perceived arrogance in 2007 was probably the most significant contributing factor towards Jacob Zuma’s rise to the Presidency. Can we really take them seriously?

A few days ago, while I was scrolling through on-line media posts pursuing a line of research into potential solutions to our current political conundrum, LM Radio played a song titled “Everybody’s Talking”. Written by Fred Niel in 1966, it was made famous by Harry Nilsson when used as a featured song in the 1969 movie “Midnight Cowboy” starring Dustin Hoffman and John Voight. 

Stopping what I was doing to listen, it struck me that the opening three lines of the song:  “Everybody's talking at me, I don't hear a word they're saying, only the echoes of my mind”, perfectly defines South Africa’s socio-political situation as reflected in mainstream media reports and on-line social media posts. It also stimulated a thought that perhaps a primary curse of the internet is that we are continually talking “@” each other and not “to” each other. This is especially true of politicians who are so focused on delivering their messages “@” us that they don’t listen, and they don’t listen because they don’t want to hear a contradictory word anyone says.  This intellectual affliction is also aligned with a tendency to only respond to the thoughts of likeminded individuals who simply serve to reinforce these messages without question or further debate. As a result, erroneous assumptions often become the entrenched foundation of misguided causes. 

The echoes of apartheid also stubbornly reverberate through these interchanges, echoes amplified and sometimes deliberately distorted by those very same politicians who have no vision beyond grabbing the levers of power in 2019. Their unchallenged and blinkered rhetoric is also primarily responsible for cementing the evil of racial stereotyping into our national psyche. 

Take a look at social media interchanges between politicians and their followers, or read the comments section of any politically charged article, and the frightening extent of racial stereotyping becomes clear - too many people believing that every White person is wealthy and racist and too many others thinking that every Black person is lazy and stupid. Both sides fomenting an unnecessary societal division based on mutual ignorance of each other’s real-world existence. 

The question therefore remains, who can we turn to for visionary leadership and guidance? Where are the leaders who are able to separate the facts from populist fiction for us within the current political and social cacophony? 

What is patently clear is that our answers do not lie within the political arena. Another imperative is that we stop talking at each other, and start talking to each other. While we can all identify what the problems are in South Africa, a major difficulty I have with the plethora of calls for a new national dialogue, whether from “yesterday’s men” or newly formed civil organisations, is that they all want to rush straight into discussing solutions without seemingly addressing the underlying causes.

My analytical background makes me want to shout out that bypassing causes and jumping straight into “quick-fix” solutions only results, at best, in temporary relief. Lasting solutions can only come from permanently fixing the cause, or causes of problems. The first step in this process is to admit that problems have generally recognisable causes and, in my view, this is where our politicoholics make their first mistake.  They will not admit there are problems with our Constitution, the basic foundation of our society. Many others will also say “What problems? We have the most advanced and admired Constitution in the world”, but look at the following example that follows a simple Problem/Cause/Solution approach, and then please tell me if you still think there are no problems.

Problem: Jacob Zuma remains President of the Republic, even though he has been judged by the highest court in the land to have broken his oath of office.

Cause: There are no defined penalties for breaching the Constitution. It relies entirely upon the integrity of the individual, or the conscience of Parliament.

Solution: Amend the Constitution to include defined sanctions for breach.  As we have not been able to rely on either the integrity of the individual or the conscience of parliament, the outcome must be taken out of their hands.

There are other legislative defects that need to be examined but when it comes to Constitutional issues, we could do worse than ask for advice from Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng, and past Public Protector Thuli Madonsela. These two highly ethical individuals will know better than anyone where weaknesses lie in our Constitution.

However in my opinion our foremost priority is not only the need to force JZ to step down, it is to put an end to the seemingly endless cycle of poverty that many of our people face every day. It may seem attractive to take my land and redistribute it to the poorest of the poor, or tax me out of existence in order to hand over wads of cash, but if the recipients do not have the necessary education or skills to build on those handouts, it will end up being a short-term exercise in futility. Radical Economic Transformation can only ride on the back of an educated and skilled population.  So the problem within a problem is that we first need to radically transform the education system and, even if we do this tomorrow, it will still mean waiting at least another two or three generations before any benefits will start to filter through. We simply do not have that amount of time before the powder keg of poverty blows up in all our faces.

It is therefore a national imperative that we find innovative ways to bring presently unemployed people into the mainstream economy as quickly as possible while, in parallel, we rebuild the educational and skills programme needed for the future. I will share some ideas of how this might be achieved in a future post as this one is already too long!

In closing, we must keep in the forefront of our minds that we are all South Africans. You owe it to your children and grandchildren to build a prosperous and cohesive society that uses all its talents to ensure that no-one is excluded, or deprived of opportunity. I am really confident that if we bring the politicians to heel, there is sufficient goodwill and talent out there in civil society to make a positive contribution towards rediscovering the lost ethos of our “Rainbow Nation”.

Sunday, 16 April 2017

Disconnecting Some Dots

Connecting the dots originated as a children’s puzzle, where each dot is numbered and if you draw a line between each dot in the correct numbered sequence, a recognisable picture emerges and you become an instant artist.

Wikipedia’s definition includes...... "connecting the dots" is used as a metaphor to illustrate an ability (or inability) to associate one idea with another, to find the "big picture", or salient feature, in a mass of data.

For me, the “Big Picture” of South African politics is just a tangled web of lies and deception that has no believable pattern, nor recognisable form. So instead of continuing to pursue the connection of wildly divergent dots, I have tried to disconnect some of them to see if an alternative picture emerges when they are reconnected differently.

Our generally recognised “Big Picture” in South Africa is that the Gupta family has captured Jacob Zuma, and through him all the essential organs of State. JZ is identified as the ignorant, pliable puppet with the Gupta family pictured as the puppet masters who are pulling everyone’s wire – as it were.

But what picture emerges if we connect the dots differently? What if Jacob Zuma is the Puppet Master who “captured” the Guptas with promises of wealth beyond imagining provided they acted as his surrogate bankers and political facilitators?

First of all, our President may be undereducated, but do not make the mistake of believing he is ignorant or stupid, and my dot-reconnecting conjecture is that his dynastic dictatorship game-plan began over 20 years ago.

To follow this particular line of dots I have retraced some of the significant timelines in JZ’s rise that are bringing him ever closer to realising his ambition to establish a Zuma dynasty.  It is quite a long story that goes back some time, but if you have the patience to follow these dots with me then I hope your endurance will be rewarded with a completely different perspective of where we stand today, and where, perhaps, we might go tomorrow. So, once upon a time.........

1 - Jacob Zuma and Nkosazana Dlamini: Early Period (1982-1999)
In 1982 JZ married Nkosazana Clarice Dlamini.  

In 1994 Dr Nkosazana Zuma as she was then called, was appointed Minister of Health in South Africa’s first democratically elected government under Nelson Mandela.

In 1996 the Ministry of Health funded a “dangerously inaccurate” anti-Aids play, Sarafina 2, which heralded the first sniff of possible corruption surrounding the Zuma family. According to a 1996 New York Times article “..... the Cabinet Minister in charge of health has been caught lying to Parliament. The production contract turned out to have gone to a good friend of hers. Proper bidding procedures were ignored. The private donor she said had paid the bill had never heard of the play.”

Over the next couple of years the Sarafina controversy and a 1997 Virodene scandal refused to go away for Nkosazana. Meanwhile, Jacob had eyes on the Deputy Presidency that would be open to him at the end of Nelson Mandela’s term of office in 1999, but which ran the risk of being derailed by the smallest hint of familial corruption or ineptitude.

So, in 1998, after 16 years of marriage, and four children later, Jacob and Nkosazana divorced over “irreconcilable differences”, which is the least controversial and most convenient method of severing marital ties without any further attached scandal.

Interestingly, it was only after the divorce that Nkosazana introduced the hyphenated Dlamini-Zuma nametag. Perhaps indicating an ongoing connection beyond marital boundaries? Or indicating a politically inspired divorce born of like minds, rather than their supposedly irreconcilably different minds?  Separate but still connected?....... Hold those thoughts for a while......

In 1999 under the Presidency of Thabo Mbeki, JZ was duly appointed Deputy President of the Republic of South Africa.   In the same year, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma was redeployed by Thabo Mbeki from Minister of Health, to Minister of Foreign Affairs.   My own suspicion is that this appointment was most likely influenced by JZ, not only to initially distance Nkosazana from the Sarafina/Virodene spotlights, but perhaps more importantly, to improve her overall political profile. After all, in any government worldwide, Foreign Affairs Ministers and their equivalents have a much higher profile than Health Ministers.

2 - Jacob Zuma and the ANCYL (1994-Present)    (“He alone, who owns the youth, gains the future.”)
In December 1994 Jacob was elected as National Chairperson of the ANC, as well as Chairperson of the ANC in Kwazulu-Natal. These appointments put him in close association with ANC Youth League structures across the country, and in particular the KZN branch. It is therefore not entirely surprising to learn that in 1996 a Zulu was elected as National President of the ANCYL.

What might be surprising, is the name of that Zulu is Malusi Gigaba, our recently and controversially appointed Minister of Finance. There is also no doubt that the ANCYL were influential in the appointment of Zuma to the Deputy Presidency in 1999.

Gigaba held the ANCYL position for eight years until 2004, when the baton was passed to another familiar political name – Fikile Mbalula, who was recently reshuffled from the Sports Ministry to become our latest Minister of Police.

In 2007 at the ANC National Convention held in Polokwane, Limpopo Province, the ANCYL, under the leadership of Mbalula vehemently and vociferously supported Jacob Zuma against Thabo Mbeki’s campaign to serve as ANC President for what would amount to a third, essentially   unconstitutional term of office.

In 2008 at a chaotic ANCYL conference marred by tactics of intimidation and violent confrontation between opposing factions, Julius “I-will-die-for-Zuma” Malema, supported by his predecessor Mbalula, was controversially elected as the new National President of the Youth League.  Up until this point it is quite clear that Jacob Zuma was the Puppet Master who had the ANCYL dancing to his tune. They really were prepared to go to any lengths to protect him.

The picture changed somewhat after 2011 when Julius Malema was re-elected unopposed, after his only contender, Lebogang Meile, declined to stand against him. Zuma recognised that Malema’s increasingly high-profile and revolutionary rhetoric had not only loosened his own grip on the puppet strings of the Youth League, but also threatened to derail his long term dynastic plans.

So in 2012 reasons were found to have Julius expelled from the ANC, putting JZ firmly back in the driving seat.[1] In the resulting fallout, all Youth League structures were disbanded in 2013.  They were only re-established in 2015 after JZ had found himself another pliable puppet in the form of a somewhat less-than-youthful Collen “Oros” Maine.

From here onwards the modus operandi of the Puppet Master and these puppets is clear. Nothing more needs to be added except, in closing this segment, to tell you that the quotation in the heading “He alone, who owns the youth, gains the future” came from one Adolf Hitler - just saying.

3 – Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma and the ANCWL (1991-Present)
While Jacob was busy with the Youth League, Nkosazana was busy with the Women’s League where she was instrumental in establishing their national structures, and from 1991-1993 served as chairperson of their Southern Natal Region.

By now, you shouldn’t be surprised to learn that during her three years as regional chair, her committee included Bathabile Dlamini, our less-than-capable Minister of Social Development who suspiciously avoided the chop in JZ’s latest Cabinet reshuffle.

Interestingly, during the very same 2013-2015 period that the Youth League structures were out of commission, the Women’s league also failed to hold their required congress to elect new leadership. This brings me back to the nature of the relationship between Jacob and Nkosazana. Were these events coincidental, or were they the Puppet Masters waiting to align their new puppets?

Whatever the answer, in Bathabile Dlamini’s election as chairperson of the ANCWL in 2015, Jacob and Nkosazana got the puppet they both needed to move their plans forward.   What is unbelievably crass about this is that we have a Constitution that strongly promotes gender equality yet, in Bathabile Dlamini, we have the leader of a powerful women’s organisation who will go to any lengths to protect a patriarchal sexist, who believes that a particular item of female attire represents an open invitation to have sex. (Remember Kwezi?).

4 - Jacob Zuma and Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma (2000 – Present)
Because of the above overlapping timelines, it is difficult not to connect the dots in a picture that shows there has been some careful planning in the way that Jacob and Nkosazana have moved themselves forward. The King and Queen executing a subtle coordination of moves with outcomes that always ensured there was a Plan B if Plan A failed. 

Another example - in June 2005 when Thabo Mbeki fired Jacob Zuma because of his links to a fraud and corruption scandal surrounding the $5 billion Arms Deal, it was reported that Mbeki first offered the vacant Deputy Presidency position to Dlamini-Zuma, which she declined. It was a seemingly inexplicable decision because had she taken the position then, it would have been the clearest, cleanest and quickest route for her to become South Africa’s first female President, possibly as early as 2007.

In my picture, however, that would have required their ditching of “Plan A”, which was for Jacob to be the first of them to assume the Presidency, and moving them straight to the implementation of “Plan B”, which is for her to ultimately assume the Presidency.  However, this would have left no fall-back Plan “C” position, and had there been any resistance to a female becoming President at the 2007 National Convention in Polokwane, their dynastic plans would be immediately spiked.

Her decision not to accept the vice-presidency in 2005 therefore only makes sense when you consider that the ANC’s National Convention was a relatively short 18 months away and, although politically wounded, and with the Youth League fully behind him, Jacob Zuma was still strong enough to challenge Mbeki.  It was therefore worth risking the wait, for the sake of their future dynasty.

Much of Zuma’s perceived strength could also be drawn from the general ANC membership’s discomfort with Mbeki wanting to serve an unconstitutional third term as President. They perhaps saw another African dictator in the making, and seemingly worked on the principle of “anyone but Mbeki”, which played directly into Jacob Zuma’s hands.

In 2007 Dlamini-Zuma had an apparent change of heart when she agreed to run as Mbeki’s Vice Presidential candidate at the Polokwane Convention to be held that December. This about-turn alone makes a case for rejoining the dots differently.  By waiting the relatively short period of 18 months, the Zumas were able to keep both A and B plans in place. If Jacob won, he would become President first (Plan A), and if he lost, Nkosazana was appropriately positioned to still eventually become the first female President of the Republic of South Africa after serving as Mbeki’s deputy (Plan B).

Another give-away that the relationship between JZ and NDZ is perhaps not all that it appears to be, is that Nkosazana became the only Mbeki “supporter” to be retained by Jacob in his first 2007 Cabinet.   Not only that, but in 2009 he moved her from Foreign Affairs, where she was fairly anonymous in fulfilling her duties, to the Department of Home Affairs. While many thought this was a demotion, it actually gave her the opportunity to claim a great success in turning the chaotic Home Affairs Department around. However, it appears that much of the work had already been accomplished by the Director General, Mavuso “Mr Turnaround” Msimang, starting as early as 2007.

Nkosazana’s “administrative success” at the Department of Home Affairs was used in 2012 as the spring-board from which the Puppet Master, Jacob, pushed her to controversially contest, and win, the position of Chairperson of the African Union. A position she never seemed entirely comfortable to hold, and one that was overshadowed by “...African rivalries, suspicions about her abilities, and the reasons why her former husband, Jacob Zuma, pushed so hard for her to get the job”...

There is no doubt that Dlamini-Zuma is a seasoned politician, but there is also a shadow of the Puppet Master’s hand to be seen behind every career move she has made. Join the dots differently and you might glimpse the almost invisible hand of her ex-husband, subtly but steadily orchestrating the perceived improvements in her political stature, in preparation for her for eventual succession to the Zuma dynastic throne.

But is she really Presidential material? Rebecca Davies wrote a very telling article on this subject for the Daily Maverick in 2015, which reflects that Dlamini-Zuma’s performances have been somewhat less than stellar wherever she has been.

Returning to the redrawn “Big Picture”, you must have noticed that the Guptas have not yet featured. This is because I find it almost impossible to believe that an immigrant family of opportunistic traders with flexible morality are in any way capable of derailing Zuma’s master-plan, laid out above, by “capturing” him so quickly and easily.

When then Deputy President Jacob Zuma met the Guptas, reportedly for the first time in the 2002/3 timeframe, not only was his dynastic plan already well underway, but it was also a time when I believe the Guptas would not have had enough money to tempt the Zumas away from their ambition.

It is therefore more likely that the Guptas were trying to curry favour (pun intended) with Jacob Zuma and, strategist that he is, I believe JZ would have seized the opportunity to convert them to his own cause with promises of wealth beyond their wildest dreams, as long as they fronted his own ambitious State Capture end-game.

Our President is renowned for putting others in the firing line while staying a safe distance away from any potential fallout, so when it comes to bribery and corruption of State officials is he likely to approach an official such as Mcebisi Jonas, or Vytjie Mentor himself, or is he more likely use a surrogate, or puppet?

If you accept that Jacob Zuma is the Puppet Master hell bent on securing if not a dictatorship, at least a dynasty, then you must also accept that when he laughs that trademark laugh, he is not only mocking the opposition, but also mocking the ANC for not seeing through his plans to use them for his own purposes.

If you accept the redrawn “Big Picture”, or even some of it, then you must conclude that Jacob and Nkosazana do not love and are not loyal to the people of South Africa. Nor do they love and nor are they loyal to the ANC, the organisation that has trusted them for so many years to further the cause of social justice. They are peas in a pod, two like minds whose only ambition is to perpetuate and cement the Zuma dynasty.

Even if half-true, the message to the ANC leadership is that these two cadres have abused their positions and brought the ANC into disrepute by bringing both the ANC, and the entire country, to the brink of disaster. It is well beyond the time for you to take action to remove them and their puppets before it is too late for all of us.

To ANC MP’s who may shortly be asked to vote in a motion of no confidence, your smallnyana skeletons will be as nothing compared to the devastation that a Zuma dynastic dictatorship will bring, so feel free to vote your conscience. All will be forgiven if you prevent the Zumas from destroying our country, and everything the ANC has worked so hard to achieve.

[1] An unintended consequence, I believe unforeseen because of the arrogance of JZ and his cohorts, was that this action led to the formation of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) – a political vehicle being used by Julius Malema to conduct what amounts to a personal vendetta against Zuma.  But that is another story for another day.